Thursday, July 25, 2013


The Home Office's decision to drive vans around London warning illegal immigrants to "go home or face arrest" has been attacked for being "nasty" - by Nigel Farage.

The pilot scheme will also see the message also displayed in leaflets, posters and messages in local newspapers.

Over the next week, two vans will be driven around Hounslow, Barking & Dagenham, Ealing, Barnet, Brent and Redbridge and will show residents how many illegal migrants have recently been arrested in their area.

But the plan appears to be even too hardline for the Ukip leader, who has made cracking down on immigration the signature policy of his party.

"I think the actual tone of the billboards is nasty, unpleasant, Big Brother. I don’t think using messages like this will make any difference. What will make a difference is enforcing our borders properly," he said.

Farage told ITV the billboards really about the Conservative Party pleading with voters not to jump ship at the election.

"What the billboards should say is 'please don’t vote Ukip, we’re doing something',” he said. “That’s what it’s all about, of course it is."

The billboards have also been attacked by the Liberal Democrats, who appear not to have been consulted on their deployment.

A party spokesman told the Liberal Democrat Voice blog: "These poster vans were not cleared or agreed by Liberal Democrats in government. We are totally committed to tackling illegal immigration but this is a disproportionate, distasteful and ineffective way to do it."

And Lib Dem president Tim Farron said the posters were "the politics of division". He added on Twitter: "These billboards must be shredded and quickly."

Immigration Minister Mark Harper defended the scheme, arguing the pilot "is just another part of the reforms of the immigration system that have cut out abuse and seen net migration drop to its lowest levels in nearly a decade.

"The Immigration Bill being introduced later this year will build on this work by restricting illegal migrants’ access to benefits and services," he added.

On Thursday the Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS) which represents civil servants wrote to Home Office permanent secretary Mark Sedwil to complain about the billboards.

"We are appalled that the Home Office has sanctioned the initiative," the union said. "This kind of campaign will do nothing to deal with the problem of illegal immigration and will only serve to cause more racial tension within our communities.

"This is just a political advertising stunt that differs little from the Conservative Party election campaign messages. This is exactly the thing right wing racist and fascist organisations such as the BNP, EDL, EVF and others feed off and use to stir up racial tension and hatred in these very same London boroughs."

Hoorah! The royal baby has a name! And it's George!

George Alexander Louis to be precise, of course. But we're not bothered about his middle names. Because we're all about celebrating the name George - or rather, other people who are also named George.

So without further ado - and without an Osborne in sight - in honour of the future king (probably), here are 10 of our favourite Georges past and present. Let us know in the comments below who would be on your list...
Anthony Weiner's reputation and his standing in the New York City mayoral primary have both plummeted, according to the first poll taken since Weiner admitted Wednesday that his online sexual misdeeds continued past his 2011 resignation from Congress.

Weiner's negatives are at an all-time high: Just 30 percent of registered New York Democrats now view him favorably, while 55 percent have an unfavorable impression, an overnight NBC 4 New York/Wall Street Journal/Marist poll found. The figures are a dramatic flip from June, when 52 percent rated him favorably in another poll.

Christine Quinn now leads the primary field with 25 percent, followed by Weiner at 16 percent, and Bill de Blasio and Bill Thompson both at 14 percent. The last NBC/WSJ/Marist poll, taken in late June, had Weiner 5 points ahead of Quinn, 25 percent to 20 percent.

Among a smaller subset of Democrats considered likely to vote, Weiner placed third with 16 percent rating him favorably, behind both Quinn at 26 percent and de Blasio at 17 percent.

"There's been a significant erosion in people's willingness to say he deserves another chance. They are more reluctant to grant that," pollster Lee Miringoff told the Wall Street Journal.

Forty-six percent of all registered Democrats polled said Weiner's online sexual relationships would matter a great deal or a good amount to their choice for mayor, and 73 percent said that Weiner's wife's decision to publicly defend him had no effect on their decision-making.

Democratic voters remained split, however, on whether Weiner should leave the race, with 43 percent saying he should drop out and 47 percent saying he should continue running, according to the poll. If Weiner were to exit, Quinn's lead would grow to 32 percent, with Thompson and de Blasio at 17 and 16 percent, respectively.

The poll was conducted in just one night, which can lead to lower response rates and make results somewhat less reliable. It surveyed 551 Democratic voters, including 320 who were likely to vote.

Tuesday, July 23, 2013



The Federal Reserve should toughen oversight of big banks such as Goldman Sachs and JPMorgan Chase due to their negative influence over commodities, including the aluminum in beer cans, brewer MillerCoors will urge on Tuesday.

The maker of popular beers Coors Light and Miller High Life will tell the Senate Banking Committee that financial groups, through their ownership of warehouses, are distorting the aluminum market by controlling how much aluminum flows out of their storage facilities, leading to extra rent and other costs for industrial companies.

Tim Weiner, MillerCoors global risk manager of commodities and metals, said in prepared remarks that rules exploited by banks and other warehouse owners have cost his company tens of millions of dollars in recent years as a result of an "economic anomaly in the aluminum and other base metal markets."

The alleged gaming has cost aluminum purchasers overall an extra $3 billion, an expense that likely has been passed on to beer and soda drinkers.

The beverage company's statement comes as regulators at the Fed and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission weigh possible action against the banks for their commodities activities. The Fed is revisiting a landmark 2003 decision that for the first time allowed banks to enter the physical commodities business, the central bank said Friday. The CFTC is probing the metals warehousing business, the source of MillerCoors's complaints, people familiar with the matter said.

The inquiries could lead to full-blown investigations by the CFTC or a Fed ban on certain activities by banks in markets for commodities such as aluminum and oil, curtailing a key source of profit.

Ten major global banks have generated nearly $50 billion in revenue off their commodities business over the last five years, according to Coalition, a financial data provider. JPMorgan, Goldman and Morgan Stanley last year were the top three global banks in commodities revenue, with the 10 leading institutions generating about $6 billion in revenue off commodities activities.

The odds of additional regulatory and Congressional scrutiny likely have increased as MillerCoors and other so-called "end users" begin to publicly criticize financial companies and their regulators for inaction, experts said. Industrial companies such as manufacturers have long held a special status in Washington when it comes to financial regulation, successfully winning exemptions from certain rules by lobbying regulatory agencies and empathetic members of Congress.

"The potential impact on the debate by actual major end-users could be extremely significant and helpful," said Dennis Kelleher, president and chief executive of Better Markets, a Washington nonprofit group advocating for stricter oversight of large financial institutions. "The financial industry is supposed to be in service to the real economy. When that's not true, people pay attention."

In an example of the power end-users wield in Washington, Gary Gensler, CFTC chairman, said in February that his agency had implemented key reforms governing types of derivatives known as swaps "with an eye toward ensuring that the swaps market works for end-users, America’s primary job-providers."

"It’s the end-users in the non-financial side of our economy that provide 94 percent of private sector jobs," Gensler added.

MillerCoors is part of a loose coalition of end-users that include beer brewers, automakers, Boeing, Coca-Cola, Dr. Pepper Snapple Group and Reynolds Consumer Products that has accused big banks, including Goldman and JPMorgan, of anti-competitive behavior in the aluminum market. The complaints have prompted investigations in the U.S. and in Europe as regulators and policymakers debate the extent to which financial companies should be allowed involvement in physical commodities.

In addition to Fed and CFTC reviews, the allegations have prompted a Senate probe into Wall Street's expansion into the commodities business as an increasing number of companies claim that the broader economy is being hurt by banks using important raw materials to boost their own profits.

In the past, big banks have been accused of distorting oil and food prices after the price of related commodities hit record highs. But the most recent accusations center on an obscure part of the aluminum business involving an exchange based in London and its effect on the movement of aluminum stocks.

The London Metal Exchange, or LME, sets the rules for the minimum amount of aluminum that warehouses in its network can deliver to customers, such as MillerCoors. The metal could be immediately used for items such as beer cans. Customers also may want to move the metal out of a certain warehouse simply to fulfill a contract struck through the LME.

Goldman controls most of the aluminum stock in North America that is traded on the LME through the bank's ownership of Metro International Trade Services, according to LME data and MillerCoors. JPMorgan is another big owner of LME-authorized aluminum warehouses. Banks including JPMorgan also help set LME rules.

Critics argue that the LME minimum acts as a maximum, as warehouses limit the amount of metal they move out of their storage facilities to maximize the rent they collect from investors and other groups that own the aluminum. That has led to increasing costs for companies such as MillerCoors, and a record premium for physical aluminum beyond the prices agreed between parties on the LME.

Companies such as MillerCoors claim that banks and other owners of warehouses are hurting industrial companies and other users of aluminum by effectively hoarding the metal at their facilities.

Weiner said in prepared remarks:
The Federal Reserve has the authority to decide whether commercial and physical commodity activities like the LME warehouses are appropriate lines of businesses. Under this Federal Reserve exemption, U.S. bank holding companies have effective control of the LME, and they have created a bottleneck which limits the supply of aluminum. Aluminum prices in general and for can sheet in particular have remained inflated relative to the massive oversupply and record production. What’s supposed to happen under these economic conditions? When supplies rise while demand is flat to down, prices should fall.

Instead, what’s happening is that the aluminum we are purchasing is being held up in warehouses controlled and owned by U.S. bank holding companies, who are members of the LME, and set the rules for their own warehouses. These bank holding companies are slowing the load-out of physical aluminum from these warehouses to ensure that they receive increased rent for an extended period time. Aluminum users like MillerCoors are being forced to wait in some cases over 18 months to take physical delivery due to the LME warehouse practices or pay the high physical premium to get aluminum today. This does not happen with any of the other commodities we purchase. When we buy barley we receive prompt delivery, the same with corn, natural gas and other commodities. It is only with aluminum purchased through the LME that our property is held for an extraordinary period of time, with the penalty of paying additional rent and premiums to the warehouse owners, until we get access to the metal we have purchased.


Giving birth must be hard enough without the whole world watching. (We here at HuffPost Style speak out of empathy, not experience.) Lucky for Kate Middleton, she has a powerful ally on her side to ease the stress of exiting the hospital.

Kate's famous coif will surely be in fine form when she, the royal baby and Prince William make their triumphant exit from St Mary's Lindo Wing, as the duchess' hairdresser is on hand. Arthur Edwards, longtime royal photographer for UK's The Sun, told Twitter that he spotted the star stylist at the Lindo Wing early this morning:



Edwards has a longstanding royal relationship -- he was even at St Mary's whenWilliam was born -- so we trust he knows Kate's hairdresser. We're glad Kate's got her secret weapon to help primp for her first post-birth appearance (and first public appearance in over a month, as a matter of fact).

We can't wait to see those famous curls bounce their way to Bucklebury, as rumored. When do you think the happy family will make their departure? Stay tuned to our liveblog for real-time updates!
Kate Middleton's baby is finally here! Buckingham Palace confirms that the Duchess of Cambridge has given birth to a baby boy, the first child for her and Prince William.

Kate was admitted to St Mary's Hospital on the morning of July 22. She and Prince William arrived via car through a secret side entrance.

The birth comes after an anxious waiting period. Beginning in early July, press and fans camped outside the Lindo Wing of St Mary's Hospital waiting for the duchess to arrive on her speculative due date... only to be left waiting for days more.

The duchess' pregnancy was announced in December 2012, following months of royal baby rumors perpetuated by the tabloids. The day of the announcement, Kate was admitted to the hospital for treatment for hyperemesis gravidarum. The illness, an acute form of morning sickness, was thought to be serious enough to affect her entire pregnancy, preventing her from making many public appearances.

But over the course of her second and third trimesters, Kate was as active as ever. Between engagements at schools, museums and Buckingham Palace garden parties, Kate also made time to shop, go to Starbucks and walk her puppy in Hyde Park.

Now she'll have to bring a stroller along! Stay tuned for more updates on the royal baby, and click over to our royal pregnancy page for more goodies.
Tea party favorite Christine O'Donnell is considering a run for Senate.

The Wilmington News Journal reportsO'Donnell is interested in challenging Sen. Chris Coons (D-Del.), who defeated her in a 2010 special election for Senate.

O'Donnell tweeted about a potential Senate run Tuesday, hitting Delaware's Senate Minority Whip Greg Lavelle (R-Sharpley) for saying she needed to decide on a run right away.

“The decision to run is a big one, particularly for a United States Senate seat," Lavelle said, according to the Wilmington News Journal. "There’s a lot of variables involved. But to run a serious race, or give somebody else the ability to run a serious race, you don’t [decide] in May of 2014. You do that now."

"Lavelle's statement that candidates can't decide to run in 2014 until I make a decision suggests he's stuck in back-room deal mindset," O'Donnell tweeted in response. "Healthy grassroots allows anyone to run & good leadership makes sure the party isn't divided after a vigorous primary!"

Monday, July 22, 2013

It's roughly 164 miles from Lubbock, Texas to Abilene; not the furthest drive you can do in the Lone Star State but still a bit of a haul. On a good day, you can make the trip in about three hours, which is what Helen Liggett discovered in April when she had to visit a client in the Taylor County Jail.

Liggett is an assistant federal public defender for the Northern District of Texas, based in Lubbock. Her client Leroy Gream had been caught on camera loading an ATM onto a cart and attempting to steal it from Hendrick Memorial Hospital in Abilene on Christmas Day of last year. Gream, 55, pleaded guilty to bank theft, a charge that carries a maximum penalty of 10 years in prison and a $250,000 fine. But like most people who try to steal an ATM, he didn't have the money to pay for his defense. Liggett was assigned to his case.

On April 8, she drove to Abilene to attend Gream's arraignment at the federal courthouse, which was scheduled for the next day. On May 8, she went back for his interview with the United States probation office in preparation for his pre-sentencing report.

In each instance, Liggett chose to pay for the trip -- $185 for gas and a hotel room -- out of her own pocket. It was either that or not visit her client at all. The budget cuts brought on by sequestration wiped out any travel budget her office had.

In an age of across-the-board budget reductions, Liggett forewent all travel reimbursements for March, April and May. She began buying her own pens and copy paper. She's also been furloughed one day a week and has occasionally taken on the furlough days of her lesser-paid secretary and paralegal. There used to be eight people in her office, but in late June, her boss said that they would have to make due with three. The office investigator subsequently announced he would retire.

"I still haven't figured out how a lawyer can represent a criminal defendant without investigating the case," Liggett said.

The public defender system hasn't just been stripped bare by sequestration, its bones have been chiseled away as well. There has been a 9 percent reduction in the roughly $1 billion budget for federal public defender's offices, while federal defenders in more than 20 states are planning to close offices. Careers have been ended and cases have been delayed. All of it has occurred in the name of deficit reduction -- and yet, for all the belt-tightening being demanded of the nation's public defenders, money is not actually being saved.

When federal public defenders aren’t able to take a case because of a conflict, or because their workload is too great, the job falls to private court-appointed attorneys known as Criminal Justice Act panel attorneys. Those lawyers are paid from the same pool of money as federal public defenders, but they cost much more and, according to some studies, are less effective.

To keep the budget from completely exploding, the Judicial Conference, a group of senior circuit judges that helps administer guidelines for the courts, could -- indeed, may have to -- reduce the rates paid to private attorneys, but that could mean fewer CJA lawyers would be willing to take up such cases. That, in turn, would result in the accused spending more time in prison waiting for trials -- only further driving up costs.

“It’s a situation where the federal government will wind up paying far more,” said A.J. Kramer, the top federal public defender in Washington, D.C.

It doesn't make any sense. But it wasn't supposed to. The $85 billion in sequestration cuts -- which included reductions to the federal public defender budget -- were designed to be so onerous that lawmakers would have no choice but to turn the whole thing off. Except they never did.* * * * *

The common perception of public defenders is that they're lawyers of last resort. When the indigent need legal representation, they're the ones assigned to the case. They don't get paid as well as they would at a private firm and they tend to have finished law school somewhat recently.

But public defenders also protect the rights of the accused by taking on more than 10,000 criminal cases annually. Without them, the adversarial system of justice would lack basic integrity. So it's been alarming for the legal community at large -- and not just the public defender community specifically -- to watch sequestration drain public defender's offices of some of their more seasoned officials.

Richard Anderson, the former federal public defender for the Northern District of Texas and Liggett's former boss, is one of them. A few months back, Anderson toldThe Huffington Post that sequestration had impacted him emotionally, and that he had moved from “infinite rage to some sort of degree of quiet acceptance." On May 31, he retired in an effort to avoid causing his colleagues further pain. He had served in the role since 2006.

“He had planned on taking a later retirement, but he sped up his choice because it was going to save the office a significant amount of money,” said Jason Hawkins, the new nominee for Anderson’s position.

Other veteran federal public defenders have left the profession early in order to quarantine the pain. The most well-known case was in southern Ohio, where the director of the federal public defender's office announced he would fire himself shortly after sequestration took effect rather than force lesser-paid colleagues off the job. Three months later, Steve Nolder began life in private practice. He had served in his post for 18 years.

"I miss my colleagues," he said in an interview. "I'm still a lawyer and I will always consider myself a lawyer first. But when you go to work and go to war with people for 18 years, you get to like them, and I'm going to miss them."

Hundreds of miles away, in New Orleans, Virginia Schlueter, the federal public defender for the Eastern District of Louisiana, is set to end a 35-year career in that office this September. She was given the option of staying on board. But it would have meant forcing her employees to each take 50 days of leave without pay to cover the cost.

"I wish my retirement had been more on my own terms," she said, "but when the option is to pay your salary on the back of your employees with leave-without-pay days, it seemed the better administrative decision for the office was to tender my resignation."

Self-sacrifice hasn't solved every problem since sequestration went into effect this March. In the Washington, D.C., public defender's office, 10 positions are vacant. Nine employees have been laid off in Seattle. In the Middle District of Florida, the staff is down from 96 to 84, according to the federal public defender there. In Arizona, the public defender's office has let go of 25 workers. And even though she was leaving the job herself, Schlueter said that she still had to fire a "substantial number of our employees."

All told, observers expect that federal public defenders will end up having to lay off between one-third and one-half of their staffs. The AP estimated that 2,700 jobs will be lost over the next two years. Strictly in terms of the number of jobs lost, few if any professions have been hit harder by budget cuts.

Not everyone forced out by sequestration is leaving immediately, in part because they don't all have somewhere to go. One attorney laid off in March in the Middle District of Florida asked federal public defender Donna Lee Elm if he could just stay and keep working without pay, which he did until he found another job. Colleagues of another employee who was recently notified she was being fired are trying to see if they can job-share so she can stay.

“These people are wonderful,” Elm said. “The sequestration is having a really bad impact, but I’m determined to not let it hurt our clients. But there’ll be less and less clients I can take.”* * * * *

In interviews with roughly a dozen federal public defenders from around the country, none said that sequestration had impacted the quality of their work.

"We have a constitutional duty and ethical obligation to make sure we don't do a shitty job for our clients," said Michael Nachmanoff, the federal public defender in the Eastern District of Virginia.

But sequestration has forced them to do more with less. Offices have cut maintenance agreements, ended employee training, discontinued transit subsidies and stopped hiring interpreters. Nachmanoff had to re-negotiate an already discounted deal to pay for expert witnesses. Instead of $250 an hour, he now pays them $200. Jon Sands, the federal public defender in Phoenix, said that he has occasionally had to call just one expert witness in cases where, under normal circumstances, he would have used two or three. He's also relied on affidavits when he would have preferred to use live testimony and closed down branch offices to save on rent.

Sequestration has also forced public defenders to take on much lighter case loads, slowing down the judicial system even further in the process. Many courts are closing their doors on alternate Fridays to accommodate public defenders who have been furloughed.

In recent months, public defenders have asked for delays in the federal case against Osama bin Laden’s nephew, where sequestration has stretched the office “well beyond the breaking point.” The trial of alleged Boston Marathon bomber Dzhokhar Tsarnaevcould be delayed because of federal public defender furloughs in Massachusetts. The sentencing of a Pennsylvania man who ran an online terrorist forum and bit an FBI agent was delayed because his federal public defender was furloughed.

In Washington, D.C., the sentencing of Floyd Lee Corkins, who shot an employee of the Family Research Council last year, was delayed because his federal public defender has been furloughed and the investigator working on his case left the agency and wasn't replaced. Corkins’ attorney, David Bos, asked for the sentencing hearing to happen before the end of September, just in case he or any of his colleagues gets laid off in the next fiscal year.

Trial delays aren't an issue across the board because a case can be -- and often is -- assigned to the CJA panel. But that raises a whole different set of concerns for public defenders, mainly that the quality of legal representation will suffer.

"It was without question the federal defenders who are the most competent. They appear in court day in and day out. They have more experience in the system, they have more contacts, they know the people and players and can get the judgement calls to go their way," said Nolder, the former federal public defender in Ohio. "I always looked at the federal defenders as the gold standard, and I truly believe that, even though I'm no longer there."

Of the private, more expensive lawyers defendants are getting, Nolder said: "The public is buying the $600 hammer."

WASHINGTON — House Republicans feel growing pressure to steer firmly right on key issues, thanks to changes in primary-election politics that are complicating Congress' ability to solve big problems.

Independent research supports the belief by these lawmakers that they owe their jobs to increasingly conservative activists, and that it's safer than ever to veer right on many subjects rather than seek compromise with Democrats.

On the flip side, House Democrats face a more liberal-leaning electorate in their own primary elections. But the trend is less dramatic for Democrats, whose supporters are more open to compromise to help government work, polls show. And Republican control of the House makes the GOP dynamic more consequential.

The House's recent struggles to handle once-routine tasks – such as passing a bipartisan farm bill and raising the federal debt limit – partly stem from the millions of Republican primary voters who elect representatives with stern warnings not to compromise with Democrats. It's also a reason that efforts to rewrite the nation's immigration laws face problems in the House, where Republicans quickly dismissed the Senate's bipartisan approach.

In interviews, House Republicans often cite worries about a possible challenge from the right in their next primary. Many of them represent districts so strongly Republican that it's all but impossible for the party's nominee to lose a general election to a Democrat. Also, these lawmakers say, it's highly unlikely that a moderate Republican can wrest the party's nomination from a conservative incumbent.

"There aren't a whole lot of moderate Republicans who participate in the primary in a conservative district," said Rep. Kenny Marchant, R-Texas.

That leaves many House Republicans with only one prerequisite to assure their re-election: Never give a hard-charging conservative enough room on the right to mount a viable challenge in the primary.

In practice, the task doesn't seem so hard. Only six House Republicans lost their re-election primaries last year. Half of them fell to fellow incumbents in redrawn districts that forced two colleagues to oppose each other. The other three lost to challengers with strong tea party support.

Rep. Jean Schmidt's loss was instructive. A conservative by almost any measure, the three-term Ohioan was attacked nonetheless for voting to raise the federal debt ceiling and for giving President. Barack Obama a peck on the cheek as he entered the House for his 2012 State of the Union address.

Memories of what happened to Schmidt – and to veteran Republican senators such as Bob Bennett and Richard Lugar, who also lost primaries to tea party-backed challengers – come up repeatedly in political discussions, House insiders say. GOP lawmakers regularly take the temperature of their districts' conservative activists, who are crucial in primary elections, which often draw modest turnouts.

"House members are better at reading their districts than anyone else," said Republican lobbyist and pollster Mike McKenna.

McKenna said it's not unusual to discuss immigration reform with House Republicans who say, "I'm getting emails from people who vote in primaries. They say `I don't care what the Farm Bureau says, I hate this stuff.'"

Rep. John Fleming, R-La., tracks such emails and phone calls. He said his office recently received 80 calls about immigration, "and all of them were against the Senate bill."

The Senate bill would create a pathway to citizenship – or what many conservatives call "amnesty" – for millions of immigrants living here illegally. Fleming, asked whether he ever worries about going too far right for GOP primary voters in his district, said: "What's the chance of a moderate Republican coming in and saying, `Oh, I'm for amnesty'?"

Marchant, the Texas congressman, said he's a lifelong conservative who has watched GOP primary voters in his west-Dallas district lean increasingly to the right. Tea partyers who once cast their votes for Libertarian Party candidates, he said, now are full-fledged Republicans.

"The mainstream Republicans, as a result, have become more conservative," Marchant said. Tea party activists, he said, "found that they could go into the Republican primary and make a real difference."

GOP Rep. Howard Coble, elected to 15 terms from central North Carolina, dates the change in primary voters' behavior to the mid-1990s. Conservative groups, he said, "were challenging Bob Dole for not being pure enough."

"That has opened the gates to primary races" against Republican incumbents, Coble said.

Voter surveys support the view that Republican voters are becoming more conservative.

On average, from 1976 through 1990, 47 percent of people who voted Republican in House races considered themselves conservative, according to exit polls. A slightly smaller share called themselves political moderates.

During Bill Clinton's presidency – which included bruising fights over health care, gun control, taxes and his impeachment – Republicans' conservatism began rising. From 1992 through 2006, GOP voters were 52 percent conservative on average and 41 percent moderate.

And in the most recent House elections, 2008 through 2012, more than 6 in 10 voters who backed a GOP candidate described themselves as conservative. About a third called themselves moderate.

Meanwhile, those who vote for House Democrats have become more liberal. But self-described liberals still comprise less than half of that group. In the pre-Clinton years, 25 percent considered themselves liberal; 33 percent on average did so from 1992 to 2006; and it stands at 40 percent across the last three elections.

Michael Dimock, who tracks such trends for the Pew Research Center, said that several years ago there was a notable difference between social conservatives and business conservatives in the Republican Party. Today, he said, Republican voters are more unified – and solidly conservative.

"The socially conservative right has adopted that anti-government, small-government principle, and it's largely consolidated," Dimock said.

House Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, put a positive spin Sunday on what many see as congressional gridlock.
BISMARCK, N.D. -- A federal judge on Monday temporarily blocked a new North Dakota law that bans abortion when a fetal heartbeat is detected – as early as six weeks into pregnancy, calling the law "clearly invalid and unconstitutional."

U.S. District Judge Daniel Hovland in Bismarck granted a temporary injunction Monday that blocks the law from taking effect on Aug. 1.

"There is no question that (the North Dakota law) is in direct contradiction to a litany of United States Supreme Court cases addressing restraints on abortion," Hovland wrote. " (It) is clearly an invalid and unconstitutional law based on the United States Supreme Court precedent in Roe v. Wade from 1973 ... and the progeny of cases that have followed."

New York-based Center for Reproductive Rights, which is representing Fargo's Red River Women's Clinic, filed the lawsuit after the law was passed this year by the North Dakota Legislature. It would outlaw the procedure as early as six weeks into pregnancy and before some women even know they are pregnant.

The law was one of four that the Republican-controlled Legislature and GOP Gov. Jack Dalrymple passed this year that combined make North Dakota the most restrictive state in the nation in which to get an abortion.

Bebe Anderson, director of the U.S. Legal Program at the Center for Reproductive Rights, praised Hovland's ruling in a statement Monday.

"The nation's most extreme abortion ban has been blocked, and the message to hostile politicians could not be clearer: the rights of women guaranteed under the U.S. Constitution and protected by 40 years of Supreme Court precedent cannot be legislated away," she said.